Two lessons from the heinous crime in Sinai

Interest considerations would make Israel is the largest beneficiary of the attack if not the only one compared to the other options of criminals or terrorist gangs in Sinai.  Nevertheless, from the viewpoint of those investigating the incident's circumstances and details, all possibilities must remain open and subject to research and scrutiny. The operation dealt a painful blow to the experiment of the first civil/brotherhood/elected president in Egypt, formed an embarrassing challenge for Hamas and its government in Gaza and planted the seed of the first deep conflict between the Muslim Brotherhood rule in Egypt and the Strip as if it was designed for this purpose. If any dark mind was asked about the best way to cause a rift between Gaza and Cairo, they wouldn’t have come up with a better scenario than the one at hand. Truth be told, news like “Islamists find their way into the presidency in Egypt” or “remarkable improvement in post revolution relations with Gaza and Hamas” are not music to the ears of Israeli interests. So we say that, regardless of the identity of the schemers and perpetrators, the Sinai criminal operation, pours purely into the Israeli interest, despite the false tears shed by some Israeli officials for the martyrs and victims. Yet, Israel is not the only, and maybe unlikely, suspect in this crime. Sinai, before the revolution and after, has been ground for the growing power of Al-Qaida and extremist Islamist groups that used the security void caused by the Camp David accords on the one hand, and by the political, developmental, and administrative vacuum resulting from the neglect and exclusion policies adopted by the Mubarak regime toward this region and its people. Another reason is the sensitivity of the extensive tourism investment to militarisation and intense security presence, not to mention the historical role of this region as an established road for smuggling everything from goods to people. Prior to the revolution, and particularly due to the repercussions of the revolution, this region transformed into a fertile land for fundamentalist terrorism and weapon smuggling. It was all the more so after the unbolting of the Gaddafi arm stock houses for all thieves and looters, where heavy and advanced weapons have become goods traded and smuggled to the corners of the world. Years before the Arab spring, this region had already formed a lax security corridor that enabled these groups to reach Sharm El-Sheikh, Aqaba, Eilat, and Taba. And because terrorism has no colour, sect, nationality or religion and because the geography of the beleaguered strip is integrated and interconnected with the geography of Sinai it was natural that extremists find enough ties and fraternity on the two sides to create the maximum coordination, cooperation and partnership between them in a way that constantly threatens the deepest Palestinian and Egyptian interests equally. For these reasons we do not find it unlikely that Al-Qaida and its sister organisations may be responsible for this crime. We also do not think an Israeli security breach unlikely in leaking the information, facilitating and employing the incident. For all these considerations we have to seriously consider some of the analysis coming from some Egyptian security bodies that point in this direction. But we entirely reject the idea that Palestinians in general, or the strip inhabitants in particular, pay the highest price for this crime. The Palestinian people should not take the blame for the crime of a number of its members if it is proven that some Palestinian terrorists were involved in the operation. It is not acceptable either that all Palestinians be punished in their living, transportation, and travel due to this terrorist act. The reconciliation between Egypt and the strip must not be allowed to retreat, under pressure from this crime and its repercussions. Moreover, no one should take the blood of martyrs as an excuse for settling old disagreements whether with the Brotherhood stream in Egypt or with Hamas in Gaza. The issue must be seen in its true dimensions and only so. We will seize the opportunity to stress the two major lessons learnt from this cowardly operation. The first: Egypt’s need to regain the tight security and military grip on all of Sinai’s land, air and regional waters even if that means “modifying” the Camp David accords or breaking it. Commitment to Israel’s security in Sinai must not be prior to preserving Egypt’s national security facing ravagers. It is time to escape the Israeli pressure in this concern. The second lesson is that a radical solution to the crisis of besieging, neglecting and starving Gaza has become a Palestinian and Egyptian demand equally. The path to closing the tunnels and ending smuggling activities necessarily passes through opening the borders between Egypt and the strip, managing them and monitoring them officially. For this to be possible and in a way that doesn’t lead to a separation between the strip and the rest of the motherland. This path must also pass through the gates of comprehensive Palestinian national reconciliation. In this manner, opening the borders and crossings becomes part of the solution, not a cause for more problems. Reconsidering the Camp David and Rafah Accords are the conclusions that must be derived and acted upon. Apart from this, the Sinai crime will be added to a chain of previous similar crimes that are not different except that the latest brought Egypt’s first President to Sinai in decades. --- The views expressed by the author do not necessarily represent or reflect the editorial policy of Arabstoday.